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Can’t find good workers? Raise your wages

“There’s a shortage of good, skilled workers.”

I have heard this complaint from local employers for years. And not just local employers; it has been a common complaint among employers in places around the country for some time.

I don’t buy it.

Now, I’m a huge fan of our local businesses. I cheer for them every day. But this “shortage of good workers” complaint doesn’t fly.

Labor market statistics indicate that the percentage of skilled workers in the labor force is greater than ever. That’s true for the U.S., for Georgia and for Glynn County.

If you are an employer and you are having difficulty finding good workers, the problem is not a shortage of good workers. The problem is your wages are too low.

Not long ago a local employer said to me, “We’ve been looking for a skilled machinist for months, and we can’t find anybody.”

My question: “What’s the pay?”

Answer: “$12 an hour.”

$12 an hour for a skilled machinist and none have come knocking on your door? Is that a surprise?

If I’m a skilled machinist and I see a job posting for a skilled machinist paying $12 an hour, my response is: “Don’t insult me and don’t waste my time.” You’d never receive an application from me.

A common response to the suggestion “have you considered raising your wages?” is, “Look, this isn’t Jacksonville or Savannah or Atlanta. This is Brunswick.”

Wrong. On a map, this is Brunswick. But as far as the labor market is concerned, this is not Brunswick, nor is it Georgia or even the South. As far as the labor market is concerned, this is the U.S. of A.

Good workers — skilled, conscientious workers who take pride in what they do — are mobile workers. They’re like entrepreneurs: They search for the best opportunities, and when they find them, they seize them — wherever those opportunities may be.

My wife and I have a daughter who graduated from college last May. She majored in psychology so, knowing her job options would be limited, started her job search six months before she graduated.

She got a job offer from an outfit in Jacksonville. The job was decent, but the pay was lousy. She asked her mother for advice.

“Employers find job applicants who are currently working more attractive than applicants who are not. Take this job, work very hard, and in three months, start looking again.” Wise advice from Mom.

Our daughter did just that. She confined her job search to the United States. All 50 of them.

She soon had phone interviews with employers in Corvallis, Ore.; Anchorage, Ala.; Phoenix, Ariz.; and St. Paul, Minn. She now has a decent job for decent pay in Phoenix, Ariz.

That’s how good workers operate. Good workers are out there. But if you pay low wages, you won’t see them.

Employers want employees to care about the work they do. Right and good. But, dear employer, the wages you pay tell employees how much you care about the job they do. If you pay wages that suggest you don’t care very much, how much do you think employees will care?

What I’m talking about here is strictly business. In business, you get what you pay for. Pay good wages, you’ll get good workers. Pay lousy wages … well, what did you expect?

So, the point bears repeating: if you’re not finding good workers, your wages are too low. Raise them.

  • Don Mathews
  • Reg Murphy Center

Breaking the sex-trade market

Recently many of us crowded around televisions or streaming devices to watch as the Philadelphia Eagles topped the New England Patriots in one of our country’s most significant economic events of the year.

This year, NBC earned more than $400 million in ad revenue during the game. And, in a Jan. 29 New York Times article, sports economist Victor Matheson said the game generates between $30 million and $130 million in economic activity in its host city each year.

There is another, less familiar market that also experiences a significant boom that Sunday each year — the market for illicit sex trade. Super Bowl Sunday is the busiest day of the year for human sex trafficking in the U.S., but this only serves to emphasize a problem we face as a nation year-round.

Atlanta is one of the nation’s fastest growing hubs for human sex trafficking, and the market is not isolated to the city. According to sources within Glynn County’s Division of Children and Family services, sex trafficking, specifically of children, is a real problem here in Southeast Georgia. Our proximity to I-95 puts us along an intense trafficking corridor.

Since last month was Human Trafficking Awareness Month, I have been thinking about ways economic theory can inform our efforts to curb sex trade.

We currently have laws aimed at decreasing both supply of and demand for sex trafficking.

To reduce supply, law enforcement agencies are constantly working to find, arrest and prosecute pimps and others who organize trafficking networks. In addition, government and nonprofit agencies work to educate parents and children on reasons and ways to avoid being recruited or abducted into the sex industry. We have established hotlines and awareness campaigns aimed at helping those caught in these situations escape.

Efforts on the demand side of this market are not as prevalent, and mostly boil down to enforcement of laws against buying sex or engaging in nonconsensual sexual activity. A quick internet search reveals that many counselors offer services for those addicted to sex or pedophilia, but we do not see near the amount of public dollars spent on trying to keep would-be offenders out of the market as we do on trying to educate potential victims. This is something economics suggests we should reconsider.

The market for sex, like the market for any addictive substance, is characterized by highly inelastic demand. This means that folks in this market are willing to pay what it takes to get their fix, and so when prices rise, we do not see a sharp change in market activity. This is key to making informed policy choices if our goal is to reduce the number of transactions.

When we go after the supply side of the market, the result is an increase in price for illicit sex, but a relatively small decrease in the number of sex exchanges that occur. In fact, we may have just accomplished a goal opposite of our intentions by making human trafficking more lucrative for the suppliers who are left.

On the other hand, if we could decrease demand for human trafficking through appropriate education and therapy for potential sex buyers, we could simultaneously reduce the price of sex and the occurrence of trafficking.

Incidentally, this logic works for other relevant policy problems as well, such as our ongoing opioids epidemic. If we focus on addiction prevention and rehabilitation rather than on reducing the number of dealers or prescribers, we are likely to see more lasting results.

Dr. Melissa Trussell is a professor in the School of Business and Public Management at College of Coastal Georgia who works with the college’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. Contact her at mtrussell@ccga.edu.

  • Melissa Trussell
  • Reg Murphy Center

Welcome Richland Rum and Silver Bluff Brewing to downtown

Kicking back and conversing with a friend or friends over a cold beer or cocktail is a simple, yet great joy. Doing so in the environs of the Golden Isles is an even greater joy.

Piling on even more joy, a distillery and a brewery are on their way to downtown Brunswick.

The Richland Distilling Company’s new rum distillery is in the final phases of construction on Newcastle Street. The distillery has already had a couple First Friday open houses.

On the other side of Newcastle will be Silver Bluff Brewing Co. Silver Bluff is in the early stages of construction. When it opens, perhaps this year, it will be a fully operational brewery with a beer garden and tap room.

The distillery industry is booming. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the number of operating distilleries in the U.S. has increased from 145 in 2010 to 675 in 2016. Employment in the industry has increased from 7,252 workers in 2010 to 12,207 in 2016. And distilleries pay well: the average weekly wages of distillery workers in 2016 was $1,362.

The boom in the brewery industry has been even more impressive. In 2002, there were 365 breweries operating in the U.S. By 2010, there were 527. In 2016, there were 2,843. Employment in the brewery industry has increased from 24,864 in 2010 to 58,580 in 2016.

But there’s much more to the beer story than that. If you are an old and inveterate beer snob, as I am, the evolution of the beer industry in the U.S. since the 1970s is a small yet glorious episode in the history of American capitalism.

In the 1970s, the beer situation in the U.S. was grim. The country had only 40 breweries, and the industry was highly concentrated: the five largest beer manufacturers accounted for 75 percent of beer sales. Weak and wimpy lagers ruled the day. Beers with actual flavor were pricey and hard to find.

Big beer’s only innovation in the 1970s was to introduce light beer. Is there any beer worse than a weak and wimpy lager? There is: light beer. It is light beer, along with disco, bell bottoms and a disturbing enthusiasm for polyester that mark the 1970s as among western civilization’s lowest ebbs.

In capitalism, such situations are the mothers of entrepreneurship. And it was in just that situation in the 1970s that craft brewers were born. The increase in U.S. breweries from 40 in 1970 to 2,843 in 2016 is almost entirely attributable to craft brewers entering the market.

Compared to the 1970s, the variety and quality of beer available in the U.S. today is spectacular. The big brewers of the 1970s had to become entrepreneurial to survive, and most of them have, by offering much more variety and much better quality.

Now the booming distillery and brewery industries are making their way to downtown Brunswick in the form of Richland Distilling and Silver Bluff Brewing. This is great news for downtown Brunswick and an encouraging sign. Entrepreneurs don’t locate just anywhere. They locate where they see profitable opportunities.

And Richland and Silver Bluff are the sorts of businesses that can spark a boom in a small and pretty downtown. Downtown Brunswick has seen a rising wave of entrepreneurship over the past couple years. Richland and Silver Bluff could make the wave much bigger.

  • Don Mathews
  • Reg Murphy Center

When inequality is not good in capitalist economics

Last month, I wrote using data to shed light on the extent of the demographic and economic disparity between Brunswick and St. Simons Island. Then, in my most recent column, I presented the traditional theory that inequality of income or wealth is a natural consequence of healthy capitalism, and so, we should not invest great resources in trying to create economic equality.

Most folks subscribe to this traditional view, at least in part. Individuals will always exhibit differences in ability and effort, and we should expect these differences to lead to inequality of outcomes.

Where many economists diverge from this no-cause-for-alarm line of thinking, however, is in a scenario like we see in Glynn County, where we face incredibly vast inequality and where our economic division is highly correlated with a factor not determined by ability or effort — in our case, race. Here, it becomes clear that more is at play than the natural forces of capitalism, and many believe this is when inequality becomes detrimental to growth within a capitalist system.

To understand this view of inequality, it is important to recognize a key characteristic of wealth and poverty: They are dynamic. An individual may move up or down the proverbial socioeconomic ladder several times during her lifetime, as long as the ladder remains unobstructed. And, as long as the ladder remains unobstructed, poverty is only a temporary state and one that can certainly be overcome with sufficient effort.

This is called social mobility, and it is the idea upon which much of the traditional capitalist view of inequality is based. One man’s success is another man’s incentive to climb the ladder. Persistent inequality does not imply persistent poverty, for today’s poor are tomorrow’s rich.

Data show, however, that this is not the story for many Americans living in poverty, according to the 2011 paper “Recent developments in intergenerational mobility,” authored by Sandra E. Black, Paul J. Devereux and published in the Handbook of Labor Economics. In the U.S., there is a 50 percent likelihood that an adult son remains on the same rung of the ladder as his father, the paper shows. This figure is 30 percent in the U.K. and even lower in other European countries.

Poverty in the U.S. is persistent, which gives rise to the notion of a poverty trap. A family living in poverty is often forced to consume its resources rather than invest them, and so over time, the family struggles to increase its wealth. Climbing the socioeconomic ladder becomes nearly impossible.

Moreover, a study conducted by the federal reserve, “The decline in intergenerational mobility after 1980,” shows that social mobility declines as income inequality increases. This is the crux of economists’ argument that inequality is a threat to our economic well-being. A wider the gap between rich and poor indicates a stronger poverty trap.

Fed economists Jonathan Davis and Bhash Mazumder suggest in the paper this trend is not due to the observed inequality of outcomes — that some are rich and others are poor — but to an underlying inequality of opportunity. When compared with wealthier families, poor families have limited access to necessary tools for climbing the socioeconomic ladder, such as quality education, or transportation, or finance options.

The ladder of the poor American is not unobstructed, and for many poor Americans, poverty is not a temporary state. Our inequality is not simply a product of healthy capitalism.

It is, therefore, healthy that we continue conversations around how to bridge Glynn County’s four-mile gap.

Dr. Melissa Trussell is a professor in the School of Business and Public Management at College of Coastal Georgia who works with the college’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. Contact her at mtrussell@ccga.edu.

  • Melissa Trussell
  • Reg Murphy Center

Construction sector not the same since Great Recession

The construction sector has had a tough go over the past 12 years.

We all know the beginning of the story. In 2006 and 2007, the housing bubble popped. Then financial markets tanked, banks hunkered down, trillions in corporate and household wealth went poof, and economies on both sides of the Atlantic sunk into the worst recession since the Great Depression.

The sector hit hardest by the recession was construction.

What happened to construction in Glynn goes a long way in explaining why the recession was so much worse here than in the U.S., Georgia, and many local economies.

The housing boom was bigger in Glynn than in most other places. From 2000 to their peak before the bubble popped, home prices jumped 42 percent in Georgia, 65 percent in the U.S. and 79 percent in the Brunswick Metro Stastical Area, a census region. (The Brunswick MSA consists of Brantley, Glynn, and McIntosh counties. Glynn accounts for about 80 percent of economic activity in the Brunswick MSA.)

The magnitude of the housing boom here is better reflected by construction activity than home prices. Over those same years, the construction sector’s contribution to inflation-adjusted GDP increased moderately in both the U.S. and Georgia — less than 6 percent in each case. In the Brunswick MSA, construction’s contribution to local inflation-adjusted GDP increased from $244 million in 2001 to $412 million in 2006, an increase of 69 percent.

That’s a big deal. As vital and prominent as the industry is, in 2006 construction accounted for a bit more than 5 percent of GDP in the U.S. and in Georgia. It accounted for 10.4 percent of GDP in the Brunswick MSA. In other words, on the eve of the crash, construction was a much larger part of our local economy than it was of other economies, national, state and local.

As is often the case, the bigger the boom, the bigger the bust. During the bust, home prices fell 19 percent in the U.S., 24 percent in Georgia, and 31 percent in the Brunswick MSA.

Construction activity fell even more. Between 2006 and 2009, the construction industry’s contribution to inflation-adjusted GDP fell 23 percent in the U.S. and 36 percent in Georgia.

In the Brunswick MSA? Unlike construction activity in the U.S. and Georgia, which largely flattened out between 2009 and 2012 before resuming moderate growth, activity in the Brunswick MSA fell almost without interruption through 2014. In 2014, construction’s contribution to local inflation-adjusted GDP was $107 million, a 74 percent fall from the 2012 figure of $412 million.

A 74 percent hit on an industry that made up more than 10 percent of our local economy — that’s a major reason for our long and nasty recession.

If there’s any silver lining here — and there isn’t much — it’s that construction activity is on the rise again in the U.S., in Georgia, and in Glynn. But the industry is not the same. Construction activity accounts for less than 4 percent of GDP in all three economies.

This is a case of a crucial feature of capitalism’s ceaseless churning: the decline of once prominent firms and industries. But there’s another crucial feature of capitalism’s churning: as some firms and industries decline, others — some new and some old but transformed — blossom and thrive. In my next column we’ll talk about a thriving industry that’s about to blossom in Brunswick.

(Data sources: On home prices, from the Federal Housing Finance Agency; on construction activity, from the Bureau of Economic Analysis of the Department of Commerce.)

  • Don Mathews
  • Reg Murphy Center

Working together could be our vision statement

One of the most important lessons a student of business must learn, and one of the most difficult to teach, is that while it is good to know data, it is far more important to understand the underlying process that generates the data. This is where useful information for decision-making is found. Data are largely reflecting the process that generates it. It is the temperature found on the thermometer that records a fever. The data generating process, however, is the underlying germ, bacteria, chemistry and biology of the body that is making it sick.

A few weeks ago my colleague and fellow Murphy Center associate, Dr. Melissa Trussell, wrote about the big differences in measures of economic welfare on either end of the F.J. Torras Causeway — a distance of only 4 miles. Out of 395 governmental units in Georgia, the island end of the causeway ranks in the top 5 when considering average income while the Brunswick end ranks 390. People who commented on her piece were struck by the differences — not by the levels. Really useful information in data is found in the differences or changes. The nurse may tell you that your temperature is 100.4 degrees but what matters more is whether your temperature has risen to 100.4 or has fallen to 100.4. Which ever it is produces totally different treatments.

So, lets ask the obvious question. Why are the economic ends of the causeway so different? If we can understand the differences then maybe we can recommend actions that will close the gap by raising the mainland end.

One end of the causeway is, on average, younger than the other. One end has more wealth than the other. One end has attained, on average, a higher level of education. These are obvious reasons that are simply descriptive in nature and are of probably vey little use.

Here, however, is the key I believe. One end of the 4-mile divide has more business experience with failure and success. The presence of their wealth suggests that their successes outweighed their failures. In the end, they simply know more because the have lived through more. Another way to say this is that there is not only and economic gap between the ends of the causeway; there is also a business knowledge gap. The knowledge found in the business experiences of our retirement community is simply amazing and probably matched only by the business knowledge found in the financial district in New York City.

Now this is useful! Knowledge is portable. It can come across the causeway and it can be shared with the entrepreneurs and small businesses on the mainland. It just needs the vehicle! The weekly meeting of entrepreneurs, One Million Cups, is a start but a formal program of business mentoring would truly be significant. The sharing of this knowledge to solve problems or to enhance success would be a noble end.

Imagine that. Opposite ends of the causeway working together to make the community a better place to live, work and play. Gosh, this might even become our community’s shared vision statement — working together.

Dr. Skip Mounts is the Dean of the School of Business and Public Management at College of Coastal Georgia, a professor of economics, and an associate of the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies.

  • Reg Murphy Center
  • Skip Mounts

Inequality is not a bad thing in Capitalist economics

A few weeks ago, I wrote about the vast demographic and economic divide between Brunswick and St. Simons Island, and I promised a follow-up to address how we should respond to the data. The answer to this question is complex and may differ depending on whom you ask — an Islander, a Brunswickian, a businessperson, a policymaker, a nonprofit leader, or a member of the clergy. Each would have a different perspective, and many, no doubt, are greater authorities on the subject than I.

As an economist, I will attempt to shed some light on how inequality affects us in terms of society’s economic growth and individuals’ economic wellbeing. I will approach the topic from the point of view of a capitalist, though, of course, a communist or socialist would have much to add to the discussion.

I should warn you, though, that even among capitalist economists, there is more than one school of thought here, and debate on this topic has spanned decades.

First, it is worth mentioning that almost all economists agree there is no finite limit to society’s wealth, and that in general, the poor are not poor because the rich are rich. We should not view inequality as a consequence of some individuals taking wealth or income away from others. Our question, then, is not one of whom to blame for the existence of inequality but of whether or not it should concern us and, if so, what we should do about it.

According to traditional capitalist theory, inequality is neither to be deemed good nor bad. It simply is a description of the way things are, and in some sense, it is proof that capitalism is working.

The fact that some are able to accumulate great wealth is evidence that the American dream is attainable and serves as incentive for less wealthy individuals to work hard, to create, and to innovate to grow their own wealth and, as a byproduct, to spur overall economic growth.

Wealthy Americans save more of their incomes than others, and middle or lower income Americans are more likely to devote their income to consumer spending. Thus, increasing inequality, typically due to greater wealth accumulating to the upper class, could negatively affect growth by decreasing consumer spending.

However, macroeconomic theory tells us economic growth depends heavily on savings, which are used to finance investment in human and physical capital. Thus, when more wealth lies with the rich, their investment should boost growth, benefiting even the less wealthy through lower prices and more jobs.

Therefore, many economists believe inequality is not something to be fixed, per se, but is a natural consequence of healthy capitalism.

Others believe inequality is a grave threat to our capitalist economy. This idea stems from the notion that sustained poverty hinders economic growth and from the existence of the phenomenon known as the poverty trap.

I will plan to write more on this second point of view in my next column.

  • Melissa Trussell
  • Reg Murphy Center

We are fortunate to have Jekyll, Sea islands

One of the expectations of economists working in academia is publication. My career is full of written work that, in all truth, no one has ever read except for my mother. She kept all my research in the holiest of places — the top shelf of her closet.

In doing research, one always hopes to find an original question — one touched by no one else. Here we can clearly search for an original answer. Yet, in many cases, we simply end up repeating the work of other academics, except we use a different methodology. Different methods often produce different conclusions, making our work relevant. Yet, you can avoid accountability in this way by saying that two pieces of research cannot really be compared, and therefore judged, because they are not really the same due to differences in methods.

It is a wonderful thing when comparisons can be made and the issue of different methods is not at play. Such is the case of two economic impact studies done by the Selig Center for Economic Growth of the University of Georgia of Jekyll Island and Sea Island. Both are based on 2016 data and the underlying methodology is identical. So while Jekyll Island and Sea Island appear very different, the analysis performed by the Selig Center treats them as if they are identical, thereby, allowing for comparison.

What are some things that should be considered in doing an economic analysis? First, they are members of the same industry — hospitality and tourism.

Second, they may be classified in the same industry but they are very different. Sea Island is the best private resort — in every facet — in the world. Given my unbiased assessment, its operations are private, profit-seeking. It is even family owned. From golf tournaments, to gatherings of world leaders, it is exclusive, expensive and simply wonderful.

Jekyll Island is on the other end of the ownership spectrum. Jekyll Island is a self-governing state park largely occupied by outside vendors (the Westin, for example). Just pay $6 and you enter for the day. In addition, at any time, only 35 percent of the land area can be developed. Like Sea Island, Jekyll is uniquely special. From the history connected to the island itself, the initial conversations leading to the creation of the Federal Reserve, to the best graduation venue (the Convention Center) in the world (CCGA has graduation there), Jekyll Island remains a state park.

Economic impact studies are very interesting. They are largely based on the idea that one person’s spending is another person’s income. Both Sea Island and Jekyll Island have part-time and full-time employees whose income come from the spending of all sorts of visitors. Yet, after work, employees spend their income. So a second person and business is impacted. This is to say, to know economic impact we need to understand what is called a multiplier process.

What do the Selig studies tell us about their respective economic impacts on Glynn County? They are virtually identical. In gross revenue, Jekyll has the advantage with $700 million in sales compared to Sea Island’s $670 million. Sea Island’s impact in jobs totals 6,254 (direct, indirect, and induced) with $200 million in labor income. Jekyll Island’s employment numbers 7,170 with $249 million in labor income. Sea Island contributes $370 million to local GDP, while the activity on Jekyll Island contributes $416 million to GDP. Both contribute around $25 million in tax revenue.

Even more impressive is when you combine the two economic equals. They account for 22 percent of gross sales and for 28.5 percent of all jobs in Glynn County. This analysis is not to dismiss the importance of others in the hospitality and tourism industry. Yet, these are two economic powerhouses.

Economic impact is only one of the many margins Sea Island and Jekyll Island that can be used for comparison. Also consider their awards and recognitions, histories, community advancement and engagements, and on and on. For this space, let us celebrate their combined economic presence. We are very fortunate that both Sea Island and Jekyll Island are in our community and the opportunities they provide our citizens.

  • Reg Murphy Center
  • Skip Mounts

Local labor force moves with the business cycle

Of all the markets in the economy, the labor market is without question the most complex. The national labor market consists of tens of millions of buyers of labor — private firms, nonprofit organizations, governments and government agencies — and more than 160 million sellers of labor — workers who are scattered all over the country.

The buyers of labor have ever changing demands for zillions of specific skills, while the sellers each have specific skills that are also fluid: skills can be enhanced and acquired, as well as lost.

Obstacles to labor market transactions abound. It takes time and money for employers and workers to find each other, and bad matches are costly to both parties.

Local labor markets, to the extent there are such things, are only slightly less complex. I say to the extent there are such things because employers and workers rarely limit their searches to workers and employers of a local area.

Labor markets are always in flux. Even more so over the business cycle.

It’s not just the levels of employment and unemployment that fluctuate with the business cycle. The size of the labor force itself fluctuates with the business cycle.

The labor force — which consists of employed workers plus workers classified as unemployed (not working but looking of work) — rises in boom times and shrinks in recessions. Our local labor force is a perfect example.

The years 2000 to 2005 were boom years in Glynn County. During those years, the county’s population increased by 7.4 percent. The county’s labor force increased by even more: 12.4 percent.

The recession hit us sometime around mid-2006. The local labor force continued to grow, but at a slower rate. Between 2005 and 2008, while the county’s population grew by 7.5 percent, the county’s labor force grew by 5.1 percent, reaching a peak of 41,730 in July 2008.

The recession then went from bad to worse. It lingered in Glynn through 2014. And the county’s labor force shrunk.

From 2008 to 2014, the population of Glynn grew by 5.3 percent, from 78,013 to 82,175. From July 2008 to December 2014, Glynn’s labor force fell from 41,780 to 36,427, a decrease of 12.7 percent.

Consider the decrease from another angle. In 2005, 54 percent of Glynn’s population was in the labor force. By 2015, 45 percent of the county’s population was in the labor force. That’s not the aging of the local population at work. That’s the business cycle at work.

Where did all those workers go during our recession?

Workers, like entrepreneurs, seize opportunities. Most workers in the labor force are full-time workers who remain in the labor force looking for work should they lose their jobs. But a sizable portion of workers — roughly 30 percent according to recent Bureau of Labor Statistics estimates — do not work full-time, year-round.

These workers tend to be more responsive to shifting labor market conditions. During recessions when jobs are scarce, many of these workers are quicker to drop out of the labor force should they lose their jobs. When economic conditions and job opportunities improve, back into the labor force they go.

The good news for Glynn is, that’s just what we’re seeing now. The county’s labor force now stands at 39,506 up 8.5 percent from that December 2014 level of 36,427. As our local economy continues to grow, we’ll see that trend continue.

  • Don Mathews
  • Reg Murphy Center

Read More about What difference four short miles makes

Four miles can make a big difference. According to an article posted to Livestrong.com last September, an average adult can lose about a pound a week if he or she walks four miles a day (about 10,000 steps) without increasing caloric intake.

Marathoners will tell you that pacing in the first four miles is crucial to how well one will finish the race. Four miles below earth’s surface lies molten rock hot enough to provide electricity to Iceland, and four miles above sea level stands the peak of Denali, North America’s highest summit. (Denali was known as Mount McKinley until it was officially renamed by President Obama in 2015.)

Just as in fitness and geography, four miles can make a big difference in economies and in individual or household welfare. The most striking example of this difference I have ever observed up close is here in Glynn County. You have probably already guessed what four miles I am referring to — the four miles of causeway between St. Simons Island and downtown Brunswick.

A casual glance at data from the U.S. Census Bureau begins to tell a story of two very different communities on either side of the causeway. St. Simons (not including Sea Island) has a population around 16,000, 93 percent white, while a little more than 22,000 individuals call Brunswick home, 62 percent of them racial minorities. The median age on the Island is in the mid-50s and in Brunswick is under 40. Ninety-six percent of Island residents have a high school diploma, but only 80 percent of Brunswickians can boast the same.

The story of our four-mile divide gets stronger when we begin to look into economic welfare.

In a list of Georgia zip codes ordered from highest average income to lowest, Sea Island ranks first, Saint Simons 39th (sixth among zip codes outside metro Atlanta), and Brunswick is 940th (out of 953).

The median household income in St. Simons is nearly $76,000, while in Brunswick, it is under $28,000. More than one-third of Brunswick’s residents live below the poverty line, and over 95 percent of Islanders live above it.

But, wait! There’s more!

Since so many of our residents are retirees, measures of current income really only tell half the story of the economic divide between Brunswick and St. Simons.

A more complete picture — and even greater divide — emerges when we look at residents’ accumulated wealth, or net worth. The median net worth of an individual in Brunswick is less than $15,000. The median net worth for census tracts on the southern end of St. Simons ranges from slightly more than $118,000 to just over $200,000. And for the area north of Sea Island Road and east of Federica Road, the median net worth is above $500,000.

Given these facts, the stark differences between end points of the F.J. Torras Causeway are undeniable. How we respond to the facts is a subject of great debate among economists and policymakers and is a discussion that will require more space than I have remaining for this week’s column. (Look for more on this in coming weeks.)

But, isn’t it amazing what a difference four miles can make?

  • Melissa Trussell
  • Reg Murphy Center