Archives: Reg Murphy Pubs

Let’s be a college town!

On July 31 in this space, my colleague Dr. Don Mathews wrote, “On July 31, we’re near the top. Hearts pound, grips tighten. In short order, we will be launched at warp speed, screaming, with arms stretched high, into a new academic year.”

Well, here we are, two and a half weeks into the drop, and what a thrill it is! When folks have asked me about my semester’s start, I keep returning to this idea that the energy on campus is just different this Fall. And it is different in all the right ways.

Students are showing up early for class and taking notes and engaging in discussion in ways I have not seen at least since before the pandemic. Students have been in my office seeking help and asking good questions in numbers I haven’t seen maybe in all my 8 years at Coastal. And— shout-out to the amazing teams in our Division of Student Affairs and Enrollment Management— campus is abuzz with events and extracurricular activities.

College of Coastal Georgia has come alive this Fall in fresh ways, and my colleagues and I are here for it!

Brunswick, are you here for it?

At the time of this writing, we have a headcount of 3457 students, 63% of whom are coming to us from outside Glynn County. That’s the equivalent of about a 2.5% increase to the population of Glynn County when they are all here.

How are we, as a community, gearing up to support them?

In preparation for this article, I perused several online lists of top “college towns.” I don’t think most of these lists are scientifically generated, but they are interesting conversation starters. According to College Values Online, the only city in Georgia that makes the top 50 small college towns in America 2024 is Valdosta, and they are ranked 50th. A site called College Snacks narrows the list to 10 best college towns in Georgia for 2024, and they actually call out Brunswick as “officially the worst college town in Georgia.”

Obviously, I disagree! I love Brunswick, and since I have been at Coastal, I have always felt strong and growing support from the Brunswick community.

I also believe we should seize all opportunities to become known as more of a vibrant “college town.” A 2018 editorial on the popular site Niche says, “A location doesn’t get to call itself a ‘college town’ merely by having a university within its city limits. Rather, a real college town is a place where the academic institution is a distinctive feature of the city culture.”

The college and Brunswick are both rapidly growing and changing for the better. We should be intentional about embracing each other, forming our identities around each other, and capitalizing on the energy found in synergy between a college and its town.

I have a few ideas about how to do this, some of which are already happening or beginning to happen in Brunswick.

Businesses—market yourselves to college students. Become a Mariner’s Mate, offering college discounts, and create spaces that are friendly and appealing to young adults.

Non-profits—Don’t count out college students just because they are not big donors. Coastal students want to change the world! Engage with their passions and energy to help accomplish the goals of your organizations.

Faith communities—The number one concern I heard from potential students and their parents at recruiting events I attended last year was anxiety about finding their church home away from home. Our students are looking for you. Will you show up? Plug into College ministries on our campus, and offer rides to your campuses for your gatherings!

City and County Government— Let’s finally get that public transportation going that we have been talking about for ages so students can get to Brunswick for First Friday and other great things we already have going on. We also need to develop housing and childcare solutions that support students and the local workforce we hope they’ll join.

These and other ideas are already taking hold in Brunswick. Let’s keep it going!

In a future column, we’ll look at things the College is doing to spur this dream, as well.

It is an exciting time to be a Costal Georgia Mariner in my favorite college town!

———–

Dr. Melissa Trussell is a professor in the School of Business and Public Management at College of Coastal Georgia who works with the college’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. Contact her at mtrussell@ccga.edu. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the College of Coastal Georgia.

Connecting in a Disconnected World

The College of Coastal Georgia is back in session. Campus is bustling. I’m teaching three face-to-face sections of Introduction to Sociology this fall. I love the “collective effervescence” (a sociology term) that everyone feels in these first few weeks. It’s good to be back.

This summer was busy. I taught three online classes. I interacted with students in discussion boards and virtual office hours. I participated in several trainings and workshops, attended meetings, and played my part in seven student orientations. I read some sociology. I made time to write, including From the Murphy Center columns. This summer was a success, but something was missing.

I was missing “connective labor,” according to Allison Pugh’s The Last Human Job: The Work of Connecting in a Disconnected World. Pugh defines connective labor as “the forging of an emotional understanding with another person to create valuable outcomes.” It’s not just membership in an organization or integration into a social milieu. Pugh states, “Connective labor is how we see the other, and how we convey to the other that they are seen.”

Connective labor won’t be found in a job description, but it’s a fixture of being a teacher, nurse, pastor, counselor, or coach. It is not limited to professions focusing on others’ well-being. It can be found in management, entertainment industries, sales, consulting, and criminal justice careers.

Connective labor is often invisible, unrecognized, and uncompensated. Yet, it’s a catalyst and vehicle for accomplishing one’s job duties. Connecting with others requires work, but it yields dividends. It’s the “magic” that occurs in the social relationships that underlie work. Connective labor can create better outcomes in patients, increase sales, maintain control in a prison, or improve student learning. It’s a mechanism for generating belonging for the individual and community for the collective.

Over the summer, I was longing for the magic of connective labor. I wasn’t alone. Pugh warns that we’re amid a “depersonalization crisis.”

Relationships have been outsourced. In many industries, data-driven decision-making and a pursuit of efficiencies limit time for developing human connections. Organizations strive to make work “more efficient, measurable, and reproducible.” Automation, apps, and AI take the human element out of work. Much service work is standardized through managerial control, analytics, and assessment plans. This corporate or industrial logic leaves less time for connective labor.

All of this comes at a cost. Autonomy and creativity are threatened. Client and patient relationships are standardized and routinized. Workers are demoralized, experience stress, burnout, and job dissatisfaction. This has resulted in labor crises in connecting careers, including teaching and nursing. On the other side, clients, students, and patrons don’t experience meaningful relationships, trust, shared humanity, or solidarity.

All of this is occurring in the context of atrophying social life. 12 to 14 percent of workers in the U.S. are fully remote. Participation in unions, churches, and social clubs is on the decline. We exist in mass media and social media siloes. Social isolation is a serious social problem for seniors and the rapidly expanding population of Americans who live alone.

Self-checkout at retailers, Amazon Prime, and in-app ordering limit our interactions with others. Social media, curated smartphone apps, and AI utilize data to offer us personalized answers to our questions and information that we require to do our jobs. Unfortunately, these personalized technologies alienate us from others.

A decline in connective labor is no doubt playing a role in many social problems, including the overdose epidemic, teen mental health crisis, and struggling K-12 schools. Smartphones and social media get a lot of the blame, but there’s more going on than depression from doomscrolling or comparing ourselves to rich and beautiful people online. The decline of connective labor in education, healthcare, and other industries deprives us of human contact and meaningful connections with others.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.

Community Drives Isles Revitalization

In my last article for the Murphy Center, I gave a very high-level look at how Brunswick has experienced a revitalization in its downtown community in recent years. After some encouragement, I’ve decided to devote the next few rotations to exploring some of the contributing factors more deeply.

Long an economic powerhouse, Brunswick’s fortunes began to wane in the 20th century as the decline of traditional industries and the Great Depression took their toll. The mid-20th century brought further challenges as the town struggled with economic stagnation, population decline, and the loss of major employers. By the 1980s and 1990s, Brunswick’s downtown area, once a vibrant center of activity, had fallen into disrepair. Empty storefronts, crumbling infrastructure, and a lack of investment painted a bleak picture of the town’s future.

The downtown area, once the heart of Brunswick, became a symbol of the town’s struggles. Boarded-up windows, vacant lots, and deteriorating buildings stood as stark reminders of the economic challenges that had beset the community. For many years, it seemed as though Brunswick’s best days were behind it.

Despite these challenges, it was the people of the Golden Isles who never lost hope. Over the past two decades, a growing grassroots movement has emerged to revitalize the town, driven by a deep sense of community pride and a commitment to restoring Brunswick and the Isles to their former glory. Key to this effort have been the initiatives spearheaded by community groups like Forward Brunswick and the Golden Isles Development Authority. While there have been numerous agencies and actors involved with revitalizing the Isles, I’ll focus on these three examples.

The Golden Isles Development Authority (GIDA) has played a pivotal role in attracting new businesses and industries to the area, creating jobs, and stimulating economic growth. By leveraging Brunswick’s strategic location, skilled workforce, and unique cultural heritage, the Authority has been successful in bringing in new investment and fostering a climate of innovation. Entrepreneurs and businesses are moving fast to the Golden Isles. Just last week, the county broke ground on a massive, multi-million-dollar industrial space. While the GIDA is an agency of the city and county governments, it is the drive of the people working there who care deeply about their community that has led to our rapid growth.

Forward Brunswick, a nonprofit organization focused on community development, has been instrumental in revitalizing the downtown area. Through partnerships with local businesses, government agencies, and civic groups, Forward Brunswick has worked to restore historic buildings, beautify public spaces, and promote cultural events that draw visitors and residents alike to the heart of the town. Projects such as the planting of 99 trees to commemorate Liberty Shipyard or the development and beautification of Mary Ross Park have contributed to the area’s resurgence.

The Communities of Coastal Georgia Foundation, a non-profit founded by the people of the tri-county area, has pulled together and awarded over 23 million dollars in community grants since 2005, allowing businesses and community groups to thrive.

Brunswick is more than just a town that was down on its luck; it is a community of resilient individuals who believe in the power of coming together to create positive change. As new businesses open, historic sites are restored, and public spaces are revitalized, Brunswick is not just being rebuilt—it is being reimagined as a vibrant, thriving community that honors its past while looking boldly toward the future. The road ahead may still have its challenges, but with the spirit of Brunswick’s residents and the support of dedicated organizations, there is no doubt that this town will continue to rise and flourish.

Drew S. Cagle, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Political Science in the Department of Social Sciences at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at dcagle@ccga.edu.

Time to Make Your Voting Plans

We all know it is important to vote. Yet, many don’t in Glynn County. I hope that changes in the 2024 election cycle. Here’s a look at where the biggest growth opportunities are in our electorate.

Glynn county ranks as the 31st most populous among 159 counties in Georgia with 86,172 residents (US Census Bureau 2023) and 69,488 registered voters (GA Secretary of State). We have registered a little over 7500 new voters since the 2020 General Election. Of those on the registered voter list, 60,187 are active, meaning they have participated in an election or had other contact with the state’s election system sometime in the past five years.

Demographically in Glynn County, 65% of registered voters are White, 21% are Black non-Hispanic, about 3% are Hispanic, 1.2% are Asian or Pacific Islander, 0.7% are American Indian/Alaska Native, and about 9% are categorized as “other.” Interestingly, white voters in the county skew older than any other racial demographic with 35% of white voters being in age groups over 60 years old. Among all registered voters, 25% are younger voters between 18-34 years old while 31% are over the age of 60.

Who is showing up to vote is a different picture than who can vote in our county.  In the 2022 midterm elections, Glynn County had a 57% voter turnout. Nationally, that is comparatively high for a midterm; in 2022, we saw just 46% participation in the US. Within that relatively high turnout rate, 75% of the voters who turned out to vote in the 2022 midterms were white and 15% were Black non-Hispanic. Women showed up in greater numbers with 55% of the turnout versus 45% among men. And within that large group of younger voters mentioned in the registration numbers, we only saw a 10% turnout rate. In contrast, 54% of voters who turned out were over 60. Down the ballot, Republican candidates received roughly 65% of the vote and Democratic candidates received about 33% on average. More than two thirds of all votes cast in the 2022 midterm were early and absentee votes (2022 Election Summary Report).

While I used 2022 data as a recent demonstration, we are consistent in these trends both in midterm and presidential election years in recent history. Younger and non-white voters turn out at disproportionately lower rates than older white voters.  Whether that is good or bad for your preferred candidate, it’s not great for the democratic process. When it comes to representation, more is merrier.

Here’s how you can ensure your vote in the November 5th General Election. First, you must be registered to vote before October 7th, 2024. You can register online or by mail at https://georgia.gov/register-vote. You should also check the Georgia “My Voter Page” to be sure you are listed as an active voter. If you’re not, you can update your information there as well.

According to the Glynn County Board of Elections, “all three county early voting locations will be open for each election in the 2024 election cycle.” For the November election, early voting will take place Oct. 15-Nov. 1. and typically runs Monday through Saturday at three locations: Ballard Community building, Board of Elections Office, and Fire Station #2 on St Simons. Since the early voting information has not yet been published, you should verify these locations closer to October.

In the simplest terms, a democratic republic is a representative government elected by the people. For it to keep churning – and that is not a given – it requires that the people participate. My hope is that every one of you votes this November. Whether through early in-person voting, early absentee voting, or in-person at your designated precinct, the time to make a plan for how and when you will vote is now.

Dr. Heather Farley is Chair of the Department of Business and Public Administration and Associate Professor of Public Management at the College of Coastal Georgia. She is an associate of the College’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies and an environmental policy scholar. The opinions found in this article do not necessarily represent those of the College of Coastal Georgia.

Is the United States a Gerontocracy?

At 81, Joe Biden is the first octogenarian to occupy the Oval Office. After a poor debate performance and pressure to bow out from Democrats, Biden will not seek reelection. At 78, Trump is the oldest nominee for the US Presidency in history. Trump would be the oldest US president to start a new term if elected in November. Kamala Harris, the presumptive Democratic Party nominee, would be 60 on Inauguration Day. The Presidency is one of the few jobs in the world where 60 is considered youthful.

Extreme age is not limited to the executive branch. Mitch McConnell is 82. Nancy Pelosi is 84. Chuck Grassley is 90. At least 20 members of Congress are over 80. The average ages in the US House and Senate are 58 and 64, respectively. Only 6% of Congress is under 40. Meanwhile, the median age in the US is 39. In terms of age, Congress does not represent the electorate.

Is the United States a gerontocracy? A gerontocracy is a society governed by old people. In many political structures, the oldest individuals hold the most power because wealth, experience, and social capital accumulate with age. Whether upheld by formal laws or informal conventions, a gerontocracy is a form of rule in which leaders are significantly older than most of the population. There is much evidence that our government is run by and serves the interests of older Americans.

There are no maximum age limits for elected office, but there are minimum ages to serve. One must be 25 to serve in the House, 30 to serve in the Senate, and 35 to serve as President. The Constitution prohibits youth from holding federal office.

Our election system benefits retirees and disenfranchises working adults. Election Day is not a federal holiday. Work prohibits many eligible voters from participating in democracy. Employment is no longer a barrier to voting for retirees. It’s not surprising that Americans 65 and older vote at a higher rate than any other age group.

One in 5 American citizens are ineligible to vote in elections due to age-based discrimination. Youth are excluded categorically from formal participation in our nation’s political process, much like felons and noncitizens. At the other end of the age spectrum, there is no age limit on voting. Thus, politicians cater to the legislative priorities of seniors and disregard the interests of the youth who are ineligible to vote.

Are our tax dollars spent on the young or the old? The federal budget prioritizes the needs of seniors over youth. In fiscal year 2023, 21% of the federal budget was spent on Social Security and 14% was spent on Medicare. 35% of the entire federal budget was spent on retirees. By comparison, only 3% of the federal budget was spent on education. Altogether, less than 10% of the 2023 federal budget was spent on children.

Young and old people face age-based discrimination at work and in other social institutions. However, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 protects applicants and employees 40 years of age and older from discrimination on the basis of age. Workers under 40 are not protected from age discrimination through federal law, although state and local laws protect some younger workers.

This is not to say that seniors in the US do not face hardships. Older people confront ageism at work. Seniors often experience social isolation and invisibility in retirement. Elder abuse and neglect are underreported and seldom prosecuted. Culturally, it has fallen out of favor to respect one’s elders. Older Americans face many challenges.

The age of our political leaders, laws restricting who can serve in government, political disenfranchisement of working-age adults and youth, disproportionate federal spending to support seniors, and legal protections for older workers are all evidence that we live in a gerontocracy. As always, my goal is to encourage critical thinking and offer a fresh perspective. Evaluate the evidence and draw your own conclusions.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.

Revitalizing Georgia’s Small Towns

Georgia’s small towns, with their rich history and unique charm, have always been a cornerstone of the state’s identity. Yet, in recent years, many of these communities have faced economic challenges, population decline, and the threat of fading into obscurity. However, a wave of revitalization efforts is breathing new life into these towns, promising a bright future for places like the Golden Isles and beyond.

The Golden Isles are a prime example of small town revitalization. Aside from beachy landscapes and Island life, these communities have seen a resurgence in recent years thanks to a combination of community-driven initiatives, strategic investments, and a focus on sustainable tourism.

Brunswick, in particular, has undergone significant transformation. Once plagued by economic stagnation, the historic downtown area is now bustling with new businesses, restaurants, cultural venues, community activities, and more. This revival has been largely attributed to the efforts of local organizations, community members, business owners, and the city government, which have worked tirelessly to preserve the town’s historic architecture while promoting modern development, helping to make the downtown Brunswick area a desirable location.

The success of the Golden Isles’ revitalization efforts can be largely credited to the collaborative spirit among residents, local businesses, and government entities. Initiatives like the Brunswick Downtown Development Authority and the Golden Isles Convention and Visitors Bureau have played pivotal roles in coordinating efforts to attract tourists and new residents alike.

Moreover, local entrepreneurs have embraced the challenge, opening unique shops, cafes, and galleries that highlight the area’s distinctive character. These small businesses not only cater to tourists but also provide essential services and employment opportunities for residents, further bolstering the local economy.

Sustainable tourism has been a key component of the Golden Isles’ revitalization strategy. Recognizing the delicate balance between economic growth and environmental preservation, local leaders have implemented measures to ensure that tourism development does not come at the expense of the region’s natural beauty.

Efforts to promote eco-friendly practices among businesses and tourists have been successful, with initiatives ranging from beach clean-up programs to the promotion of local wildlife conservation projects, to community involvement with the Sea Turtle Center on Jekyll Island. These measures not only help to preserve the Golden Isles ecosystem for future generations, but also help generate tourism and economic activity.

The revitalization of the Golden Isles offers valuable lessons for other small towns in Georgia. One of the most critical takeaways is the importance of leveraging local assets. By highlighting unique cultural, historical, and natural features, towns can attract visitors and new residents who appreciate the distinctive character of these communities. For example, the Golden Isles have made use of resources such as the historic Butler plantation and Forts Frederica and King George.

Another lesson is the power of community involvement. Revitalization efforts are most successful when they are driven by the people who live and work in these towns. Engaging residents in the planning and implementation of development projects ensures that the changes reflect the community’s values and needs.

Finally, strategic partnerships between public and private sectors are essential. By working together, local governments, businesses, and community organizations can pool resources and expertise to create a cohesive and effective revitalization plan.

In conclusion, the revitalization of Georgia’s small towns is a testament to the resilience and creativity of their residents. With continued effort and investment, the Golden Isles and many other communities across the state are poised for a resurgence, ensuring that their localities remain vibrant.

Drew S. Cagle, Ph.D. is an Assistant Professor of Political Science in the Department of Social Sciences at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at dcagle@ccga.edu.

The End of the Chevron Doctrine

On June 28th, the Supreme Court ended a 40-year old legal precedent that fundamentally impacts the way our federal government operates. In the decision of Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, the Supreme Court ruled on a doctrine called “Chevron deference” which allows the interpretation of laws that are ambiguous to rely on agency expertise. In other words, when laws are passed that don’t lay out specifics on how to implement the law, the responsible government agency (eg. The EPA, NASA, Postal Service, etc) is permitted to use its expertise to interpret how to regulate within the law.

The courts have historically had a two-pronged approach to this. They first determine if Congress has spoken directly to the issue or if there is ambiguity. Then, they determine if the agency interpretation is reasonable. Even if the court might prefer a different interpretation, if the agency’s interpretation is reasonable, the agency’s view is upheld. agency’s view is upheld. The court saw this as more efficient, consistent, and as a way of deferring to agency expertise. Now, that efficiency, consistency, and deference is turned on its head.

This might sound a little dry, but it’s a very big deal. Representative Buddy Carter referred to it as “the beginning of the end of the administrative state” in his weekly newsletter last week. He, like many conservatives and libertarians, feels that the federal bureaucracy has become too large and imbued with too much power.

In school, we are taught about the separation of powers within the federal government. The basic explanation is that the legislative branch writes laws, the executive branch implements them, and the judicial branch interprets them through the resolution of arguments. This explanation, however, leaves out the so-called “fourth branch of government” and its role in implementation and interpretation.

Generally, the federal bureaucracy has grown in number of employees over time, with notable spikes in periods when there is an expansion of government programs like the New Deal, in times of war, and in times of economic decline. These growth periods are not met with periods of decrease in the bureaucracy, however, as programs and agencies can be difficult to dismantle. The result is that critics point to a government that has its fingers in too many areas. It turns out a lot of Americans agree.

A 2023 Gallup poll indicated that 54% of Americans believe the government is “trying to do too many things that should be left to individuals and businesses” and 44% think there is “too much government regulation of business and industry.” These numbers fall largely along party lines.

Despite these numbers, when taken individually, many Americans have a very favorable view of specific agencies such as the National Park Service, USPS, NASA, the Social Security Administration, the CDC, and the EPA. That may seem surprising, but all these agencies pulled greater that 55% favorable ratings in 2023.  

One of the effects of ending Chevron deference is that these agencies – whether we like them or not – will no longer be able to apply their expertise to interpreting the laws they must implement. For example, let’s say that Congress passes a law related to space commercialization, but the statute has ambiguous language regarding safety standards on private space missions. Previously, NASA would interpret this ambiguity, establish safety standards, and if those standards were challenged, the court would determine if they were reasonable. Now, the courts will be able to independently interpret statutory language which could lead to a completely different sets of standards than those NASA would have set. Further, different courts could interpret the statute in different ways causing inconsistency in regulatory outcomes.

Solutions could be developed in Congress by clarifying statutory language (though that could make it very difficult to pass laws), explicitly delegating authority to specific agencies, or even through the establishment of independent review bodies that could work with agencies to develop sound interpretations. Each of these solutions could help mitigate against the challenges this decision poses.

The question of whether the size and power of the bureaucracy is too large is valid and deserves critique. Regardless, reversing Chevron deference is going to have fundamental impacts on every agency of the bureaucracy with the potential to cause compliance challenges and fragmented regulatory outcomes. Congress, it’s your ball.

Dr. Heather Farley is Chair of the Department of Business and Public Administration and Associate Professor of Public Management at the College of Coastal Georgia. She is an associate of the College’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies and an environmental policy scholar. The opinions found in this article do not necessarily represent those of the College of Coastal Georgia.

An economist’s take on Medicaid expansion

In the last several weeks, my colleagues have offered their takes on Medicaid expansion in Georgia. Dr. Drew Cagle wrote that Medicaid expansion, while controversial, is a “critical step” in maintaining quality healthcare in rural Georgia. Then, Dr. Roscoe Scarborough, in his recent piece on U.S. drug overdose deaths, called out Medicaid expansion as part of the solution to our ongoing addiction and overdose problems.

I am not typically the bandwagoning type, but this is a policy topic worth a look through an economist’s lens. Medicaid expansion makes good economic sense.

Studies show that many states report improvements to their budgetary bottom lines when they expand Medicaid. This is because Medicaid expansion opens the door for more federal funding to flow into states, and it also increases tax revenue streams from healthcare providers.

But we know the true economic impact of any policy is not as simple as its explicit budget implications. True economic impact lies in a product or outcome. For Medicaid expansion, the product is healthy people. And the positive impact on an economy of healthy people cannot be overstated.

According to the CDC, U.S. employers lose an average of $1685 per employee per year due to absenteeism, disability, or reduced output caused by health problems. This is a total of over $225 billion lost per year in the U.S.

Many of these health problems — e.g. heart disease, asthma, mental health disorders, diabetes, cancer – are more prevalent among poorer Americans and are treatable or avoidable altogether with access to quality, affordable healthcare.

Health disparities, defined as health differences attributable to social, economic, and/or environmental disadvantages, lead to around $42 billion in productivity losses per year.

Moreover, an April 2024 study in the journal Health Policy found that in many cases, illness even causes poverty, sometimes with generational effects, exacerbating the problem for individuals, families, and society. The conclusion of this study was that social insurance (e.g. Medicaid) significantly weakens the effect of poor health on poverty.

Adding insult to injury, a failure to expand healthcare coverage to low income Georgians may also end up denying healthcare options to many middle or upper class Georgians in rural areas. As Dr. Cagle’s From the Murphy Center article a few weeks ago pointed out, rural hospitals are shutting down, in part due to their inability to cover services to uninsured patients.

And, an economic analysis only strengthens Dr. Scarborough’s point that Medicaid expansion can help mitigate effects of America’s current opioid / drug overdose crisis. Supply-side policy solutions, like decreasing international drug smuggling, get a lot of press, but decreasing supply increases prices, making drug sales more lucrative, and makes only a small dent in the problem of illegal drug use. This is because the market for any addictive substance is characterized by highly inelastic demand, which means that buyers in this market are willing to pay whatever it takes to satisfy their addiction. When prices rise, we do not see a sharp change in market activity. The only truly effective policies against drug addiction are policies that are leveled at demand for the drugs—recovery programs, healthcare education, and mental and physical healthcare coverage. Medicaid expansion is low-hanging fruit in this fight.

Only ten states have not yet adopted Medicaid expansion. Georgia is among them. It may make political sense to keep holding out, but it does not make economic sense.

———–

Dr. Melissa Trussell is a professor in the School of Business and Public Management at College of Coastal Georgia who works with the college’s Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. Contact her at mtrussell@ccga.edu. The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the College of Coastal Georgia.

A Tale of Two Ironies and a Solitary Socialist

Properly told, the stories of two great ironies – one in the history of socialist ideas, the other in the history of capitalism – begin with French socialist, Louis Blanc (1811-1882). Let’s start with the socialist ideas irony.

One might surmise that the history of socialist ideas is loaded with ideas about socialism. It isn’t. It’s loaded with ideas about capitalism. 

From all the books, tracts, leaflets, pamphlets, primers, circulars, essays and articles that socialist thinkers have written over roughly 225 years, the pages devoted to critiquing capitalism could make a mountain range; the pages devoted to providing a blueprint of socialism, a mound.

Louis Blanc stands out among socialist writers for being the first to contribute a clump to the mound. Blanc certainly wrote more pages of capitalism critique than socialism blueprint. Nonetheless, he was the first socialist writer to offer specifics on how production in a socialist economy could be organized. Since Blanc, few socialist writers have mustered the wherewithal to venture beyond “in socialism, the means of production are owned by the people,” which barely qualifies as a doodle, never mind a blueprint. 

Blanc offered his blueprint in the last twelve pages of “The Organization of Work,” a 67-page pamphlet published in 1840. He used the first 55 pages to rage against a new kind of competition spawned from what Blanc called the “new economic regime,” which others would soon call capitalism. To Blanc, the new competition pitted worker against worker, capitalist against capitalist, and capitalist against worker in an economic civil war that spared few of poverty and no one of misery.

The solution, of course, was to replace competition with cooperation, but how to do that? Blanc’s answer: begin by introducing a new type of enterprise, the social workshop. Blanc’s social workshop amounts to a business enterprise in which workers, not capitalists, make all production and operational decisions – how the enterprise is organized, what to produce, who gets hired, who gets fired, who does what job and who gets paid what.

Blanc had no desire to vanquish capitalists. He encouraged capitalists to invest in social workshops, which would pay interest “guaranteed by the budget” on invested funds. But a capitalist would have no voice in decision-making unless the capitalist also worked in the workshop.

The social workshop’s advantage, Blanc argued, is this. In a private enterprise, the capitalist gives the orders, the workers obey. In a social workshop, the workers call the shots, so they naturally cooperate. And cooperating workers are more productive than order-obeying workers.

There is more to Blanc’s blueprint, namely the features that made it a blueprint of socialism. Blanc eventually lost faith in socialism, but not in social workshops, though none existed. He died in 1882, thinking his idea would go forever unrealized.

Yet as Blanc’s pamphlet made its rounds in 1840, American capitalism was beginning a remarkable evolution that produced enterprises run by workers. The advent of railroad and telegraph lines in the 1840s gave rise to new and larger businesses and a new kind of worker, the salaried manager. The late-1870s brought mass production, vertical integration and a much-expanded role for managers. By 1910, salaried managers, not capitalists, were making all production and operational decisions at many of America’s largest and most innovative business enterprises, including Standard Oil, General Electric and DuPont.

Thus, Louis Blanc’s dream of an enterprise run by workers was realized in capitalist America in its largest corporations. No doubt, a giant corporation is not the social workshop Blanc had in mind. Yet the fact is, capitalism’s behemoths are worker-run enterprises. Few ironies are more fun.

U.S. Overdose Deaths on the Decline

The number of fatal overdose deaths in the United States peaked in May 2023 and started to decline in the latter half of the year, according to the most recent data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

An estimated 107,500 people died from fatal overdoses in the US in 2023, down from an estimated 111,000 overdose deaths in 2022. That is a 3.1% decline in overdose deaths in one year. This is the first decline in overdose deaths since 2018. The decline is modest and the data are preliminary. One might argue overdose deaths are plateauing, but it’s better news than another annual increase. Unfortunately, the US still has more fatal drug overdose deaths per capita than any other high-income nation.

Drug overdose declines are not equally distributed across our nation. All states east of the Mississippi saw a decline, except for Alabama, West Virginia, and Washington DC. Preliminary data show that Georgia saw a 5.58% decline in overdose deaths over the past year. Most states west of the Mississippi saw increases. Alaska, Oregon, Nevada, and Washington experienced over 25% increases in annual overdose deaths.

Two years ago, I wrote a column in this space about skyrocketing overdose deaths amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Many pandemic-era causes of overdose deaths have subsided. Social distancing and social isolation came to an end. Stress associated with living through a global pandemic has waned. Public health has moved beyond a myopic focus on COVID-19. All of these conditions should improve care for those struggling with addiction and reduce overdose deaths.

The US overdose crisis was once driven by prescription painkillers, then it was heroin, and in recent years fentanyl (a synthetic opioid) has been a primary cause of overdose deaths in the US. Fentanyl can be injected, but it’s often smoked, consumed in pills, or mixed in with other illicit drugs.

With deadly fentanyl now widespread, what’s causing overdose deaths to decline nationally? Shifts in the supply of available illicit drugs impact overdose deaths. Much of the 2023 increase in overdose deaths in western states coincides with the availability of fentanyl in the regional illicit drug supply. It’s possible that overdose deaths are declining overall because the overdose epidemic has already claimed such a significant percentage of the illicit drug using population in eastern states. On a more hopeful note, the US could be reaping the benefits of overdose prevention efforts and addiction treatments.

I suggested some reforms to address overdose deaths in my 2022 column. At least one suggested reform has been implemented—increasing access to naloxone/Narcan. In March 2023, the FDA approved over-the-counter naloxone nasal spray. My other policy recommendations have not been implemented in a meaningful way, at least not in Georgia.

Opioid manufacturers and distributors are paying billions in restitution for their roles in the opioid epidemic. These funds should be invested in evidence-based programs and practices.

Effective drug education and other prevention programs are critical to reducing overdose deaths. Prevention programs are more likely to succeed if paired with consistent messaging from family, public health departments, community organizations, and religious institutions.

Drug interdiction efforts must be improved. It is essential to slow the illegal smuggling of fentanyl into our nation. Similarly, state and local police must disrupt drug distribution in our communities.

Access to quality healthcare combats addiction and prevents overdose deaths. It is essential to expand access to a range of addiction treatment programs, including inpatient rehab, outpatient rehab, and medication-assisted treatment. These programs remain out of reach for many folks living with addiction due to cost, limited providers in one’s area, or a lack of insurance coverage.

Georgia is one of ten states that have not accepted expanded Medicaid coverage, which would provide healthcare for all adults earning up to 138% of the federal poverty line. Expanding Medicaid coverage provides one avenue for improving access to addiction treatment programs and reducing overdose deaths.

Roscoe Scarborough, Ph.D. is chair of the Department of Social Sciences and associate professor of sociology at College of Coastal Georgia. He is an associate scholar at the Reg Murphy Center for Economic and Policy Studies. He can be reached by email at rscarborough@ccga.edu.